British Politics

Kynaston attempts to analyse the development of the British working class from the aftermath of the Chartist collapse through to the emergence of the Labour Party. The treatment is partly chronological, partly thematic. The central chapters are of the latter variety, and deal with class, religion and culture. The exploration of this vast problem is based entirely on secondary sources. Sometimes, specific examples provide illumination, but overall the book is unsatisfactory. In part, this is the result of style and organization; in part, of the overall perspective. Quotation is piled on quotation, example piled on example. What does it all add up to? Sometimes the examples are fascinating: more often though they Seem self-indulgent. There is little sharpness, little attempt to sift out the relevant and provide a lucid interpretation. Yet this is surely a major purpose of such a brief account. It is hardly a devastatingly original thought to comment that ‘a grasp of Marxian totalities . . . almost entirely by-passed the British working class during this period‘. But this is only valuable as a point of reference if there are good reasons to believe that it was a feasible (and perhaps more natural) alternative. Sometimes it seems that basic problems have not been thought through. Thus, there is a tendency to talk of ‘control’ and ‘manipulation’ without distinguishing processes created deliberately for such purposes from mechanisms that are not intentionally created but which have socially significant consequences. To ‘look before and after, and pine for what is not’ is an intelligible response, but unless handled carefully, it can damage understanding and judgement. 1976,184 pp., €6.50 boards, €2.95 paperback.

BOOKS 'patriality'. The revisions of citizenship and nationality law here suggested embody a liberal policy towards the rights of citizens of the U.K. and colonies, towards the uncertain category of British Protected Persons and towards the Irish w h e a s one might expect-are in British law neither British nor aliens.

G E O F F R E Y M A R S H A L L
Tony Bunyan, The History and Practice of the Political Police in Britain. Julian Fried-Mr. Bunyan says that the police forces of the United Kingdom are repressive state agencies whose role is to ensure the reproduction of the capitalist system. They cannot, therefore, he argues, act in the interest of those who are opposed to the state (alternatively described as the political opposition or the working class). When the police enforce anti-drug legislation they are not unaware of 'the link between young people who use drugs and those politically active on the left'. When Sir Robert Mark criticizes jury proceedings it is no accident that his attack comes 'at a time when more and more working-class people are able to serve on juries'. When new infra-red night detection equipment is tried out in a south coast exercise if is 'officially directed at smuggling and illegal immigration'. But what is it really for? The counter-revolutionary potentiality of such devices is obvious. Indeed there are more sinister and worrisome indignities being prepared by the repressive agencies of state power. The author reveals that in the event of a revolutionary insurrection the police have a plan to cut off all private telephones, thus depriving the insurrectionists of the benefit of mutual communication and cutting them off from all the comforts and facilities of normal civilized life. There seems literally nothing to which the repressive agencies of state power will not stoop.
The use of force against the people is, the author argues, readily deducible from the global challenge confronting capitalism. This analysis is one that is made 'from within the socialist tradition'; but the exact whereabouts of its origin within the tradition are not more precisely located. The author has received assistance and information from Mr. Phil Kelly, Mr. 'Chaz' Ball and the King's Cross Public Library. mann, 1976,320 pp., U.95.

GEOFFREY M A R S H A L L
Peter Shipley, Recolutionaries in Modern Britain. Bodley Head, 1976, 256 pp., E5.00.
Peter Shipley has produced a precise, factually detailed and rather dry book upon a subject on which academics and journalists alike are prone to lose their heads. His work is based upon a careful study of the newspapers and pamphlets of the various groups. The book's value consists in the way in which it disentangles the history and raison d'itre of the revolutionary organizations, and it is particularly helpful in distinguishing the various 'Faces of Trotskyism' and 'The Eight Parties of Anti-Revisionism'-the various proChinese groups. Shipley does not discuss groups operating primarily in Ulster, although he does consider briefly relationships between Irish and British revolutionaries, and the effects of the Ulster crisis upon the British revolutionary movement.
The book's central weakness is that it confines itself to description, and does not probe deeply enough into either the reasons for the growth of the various movements, or their future prospects. This severely limits its value, but within these limitations it can be recommended. BOOKS 289 to confirm the popular nostrum-so long heterodox-that some economic activities are productive, and others parasitic. It maintains that Britain's ills stem chiefly from excessive growth in the resources providing public services, and particularly those which are not marketed. The message is trenchant, simple and not uncompelling. Whitehall is taking it very seriously.
Unmarketed public services, the authors argue, cannot augment the stock of physical capital, or provide exports. If they take a larger share of the nation's resources. other sectors (which can do both) must take less. Rising average and marginal tax rates may have more bearing on wage demands than the social wage that taxes subvent. So the growth of unmarketed public services can worsen growth, the balance of payments, and inflation. But has it?
The verdict must still be non licuit. Increasing public sector employment may be a response to job disappearance in private manufacturing industry, not its cause; unemployment has shown an upward trend in Britain since the 1950s. Secondly, Britain's recent record on growth, inflation and external payments has been noticeably poorer than most countries; but public authorities' current expenditure represents a lower share of national income than in either West Germany or the Netherlands, in both of which it has risen more steeply. By international standards, Britons are rather lightly taxed; the budget deficit is moderate; the share of employment in manufacturing quite high. Thirdly, the distinction between marketed and unmarketed public services is problematic: charges may be inefficient (motorway marginal costs are low in relation to the costs of collecting tolls, for instance), impossible (for example, defence), or inequalitarian (health and education). But despite these and other difficulties, the book is a fascinating and important contribution, largely accessible to a lay readership; it will provoke many questions, hitherto unasked, about the economic roles of British governments.
There have been so few studies of the politics of public expenditure in Britain+% distinct from the United States-that it is tempting to welcome almost any book which helps to illuminate this subject. And while David Galloway's study makes no pretence of being much more than a quick, journalistic study of what is obviously a highly topical issue, it does provide a helpful summary of recent trends and the available information. Indeed it is a pity that the publishers, who deserve to be congratulated on the speed with which they have managed to produce this book, did not trouble to improve the references: much of the material would be more useful if the sources were given more clearly and accurately.
As it is, this book is rather more of a contribution to an ongoing political debate than to the academic literature. Mr. Galloway's purpose is, in part, polemical and he concludes by giving his (somewhat debatable) proposals for cutting public expenditure. But in the course of his inquiries, he has made one very intriguing l k d which should find a place in any subsequent studies of the control of public expenditure: a letter written by Enoch Powell in 1961 to the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, criticizing the Plowden proposals for setting up the P.E.S.C. system. It is an uncannily perceptive critique, and does much to make the subsequent explosion in spending comprehensible.

RUDOLF K L E I N
Nora Beloff, Freedom under Foot. Maurice Temple Smith, 1976, 143 pp., El .95 paper-With falling circulations and rising losses, Britain's national newspapers have seldom been in quite such a bad way as they are at present. If it is not yet quite true to say that responsibility without power (or profit) is the prerogative of newspaper editors and proprietors, the day when this statement may accurately describe the state of the press may not be all that distant.
Certainly it has been brought nearer by the failure of editors and proprietors to persuade Michael Foot to exempt the press from the closed shop provisions of his 1976 Act, repealing back, boards also available.

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BOOKS the industrial relations legislation of the Conservative Government. It is this failure which provides the theme for Nora BelotT's book: a blow-by-blow account of the battle to amend the Act SO as to avoid the possibility that it might lead to monopoly control over who should write what by the National Union of Journalists.
In the event, the battle was lost. Michael Foot was single-minded in his determination to push through the kind of legislation which the trade-unions wanted. The Cabinet was divided, but none of the Ministers opposing Foot was prepared to put his head on the block over this issue. Above all, the editors and proprietors were confused about what they wanted and split about what tactics to pursue. Some saw the closed shop issue as a matter of life-ordeath, which would decide whether they or the N.U.J. controlled the press. Others took a less cataclysmic view, and were prepared to settle for the compromise of a Press Charter without any legal status. So, despite support from middle of the road Labour M.P.s and from a majority of the peers, the campaign against Foot's legislation failed.
In describing all this, Nora Beloff makes no pretence of being neutral. Her hero is Lord Goodman, who led the fight against the legislation; her villain is Michael Foot. But it is a tribute to her objectivity as an analyst that, despite her own views, she makes no attempt to gloss over the mistakes made by the opponents of the measure. The result is a lively and interesting study of the politics of legislation, which also provides illuminating insights into the weaknesses of the newspaper industry as a pressure group.
The worst thing about this book is its title. It may lead the reader to expect a historical account of how the Northern Ireland conflict came about. But in fact there is very little history in the book. The arrangement is primarily analytical: in successive chapters Mr. Darby discusses demographic patterns, state institutions, political parties, churches, schools and social organization. Mr. Darby is dispassionate to the point of neutrality: it is difficult to guess what his politics are. In his final chapter he discusses various theories of the conflict and refuses to come down in favour of any. He is most original when treating of social organization. He argues that, when all possible stress has been put on such factors as intimidation, unfair housing allocations and differential employment patterns, the degree to which the Protestant and Catholic communities are segregated is still not fully explained. To some extent, he argues, they live apart because they like it that way. This point has been touched on by previous writers, but none has demonstrated it so fully.
A better title for Mr. Darby's book might have been Northern Ireland: a critical survey ofthe literature. This would have described his purpose more accurately. His knowledge of the literature is exhaustive: his bibliography contains over 700 items, and appears to be almost complete for titles published before mid-1975. There are a few errors of fact in his text, and some titles are inaccurately cited, but on the whole his work is a reliable and authoritative reference book.

1
made a great contribution to Ireland: in its literature, in its public life, and even in unexpected fields such as Gaelic scholarship. They could, if they had been allowed, have contributed much more. But the rising Catholic nationalism of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries froze them out. It was unwilling to accept their services except on its own terms.
There is something in this. But if Catholic Irish have been exclusive, so have Protestant Irish. How many of the Anglo-Irish wanted to co-operate except on their terms? Professor Beckett acknowledges the faults of the Anglo-Irish : arrogance, condescension, a readiness to discriminate in favour of their own kind. But though he records these facts, he shows no imaginative sympathy with those who were the victims of such attitudes. The truth is that both traditions in Ireland have been arrogant and exclusive, and the vices of one have fed those of the other.

J . H . WHYYE
Jeffrey Stanyer, Understanding Local Government. Fontana, 1976,320 pp., E l .95 paper-This book bears the stamp of Mr. Stanyer's distinctive approach to the study of l o 4 government. His aim is 'to provide a means of understanding all local government systems' and he has no time for what he sees as the 'blatant pious moralizing' of much of the traditional literature. In the author's view, 'in order to make sense of the apparent confusion and complexity in modem systems of local government, what is needed is a proper framework of general ideas, not a knowledge of the latest Act or Royal Commission report'. Mr. Stanyer sets out such a framework of ideas, emphasizing that each local authority is a miniature administrative and political system in its own right. Part One of the book looks critically at the way in which local government has traditionally been studied and describes the local government system before and after reorganization; Part Two examines the environment in which local political systems operate; Part Three is concerned with the local authorities themselves, with the members, employees and the interactions between them; Part Four looks at complex systems of local government, central-local relations, management in local government and concludes with a vigorous chapter on 'The Fear of Local Democracy'. Sometimes Mr. Stanyer's enthusiasm for his subject almost runs away with him, as when he suggests that local government studies should be seen as 'the queen of the (political) sciences'. Nevertheless, this is a very interesting book which should find its way on to all the reading lists for British Government courses, as well as those dealing with local government.
It is unwise to be both harsh about one's predecessors and honest about one's own limitations. John Gyford's complaint about the absence of a political context in much writing on local government is apposite but it raises the reader's expectations of his own neat little volume too high. His discussion of the subject and its literature is scrupulously, almost deferentially done and the examination of the relationship between councillors and officials and between local government and both its diffuse and its organized public is lucid and useful. But at the moment in his analysis where the real problems begin to unveil themselves, Gyford pleads insufficient evidence and passes on. The structure of public and private power and its informal mediation within which, he suggests, much of local politics is to be understood, is hidden from the eye of the researcher. I wish he had risked some guesses.
One of the most neglected areas of British politics is the study of networks. Despite the lead given by S. E. Finer's essay on the transmission of Benthamite ideas, few attempts have been 292 BOOKS made to explore the influence of small intellectual groups-plugged into the circuit of political decision-making-and about the way they set about getting their ideas accepted. Hence the interest of this study, which traces the origins of the 1970 Local Authority Social Services Act.
It was this Act which set up the local authority personal social services department, so creating the administrative framework for the delivery of what is now the fastest-growing social service. The story of its origins is interesting from a number of different points of view. It can be read, for example, as an illustration of the tactics pursued by an emergent, would-be profession, that of the social workers. Similarly, it is also exceptionally revealing about the role played by a small handful of committed people: a group of latter-day Benthamites, in terms of their influence if not of their ideology. Had it not been for the close links between the Labour Party and the social reformers grouped around Richard Titmuss, the odds are that this particular piece of legislation would never have reached the Statute Books in the shape it eventually took. Drawing on both interview and published material, Phoebe Hall has analysed the processes leading up to the appointment of the Seebohm Committee, the dynamics of the way in which its members reached their conclusions and the politics of implementation. In so doing she has illuminated a hitherto neglected area of policy making. The main purpose of this book, after a brief description of how Community Health Councils came to be part of the National Health Service, is to report findings based on a national sample survey of C.H.C. members. The data are used to test the representativeness of members in terms of class, activism, education and opinion of the N.H.S. Regional variations are revealed in opinions on the quality of specific services and on priorities to be given to different categories of patients. Conilicts between Councils and professionals (medical and administrative) are shown to have occurred when the distinction between consumer representation and management has broken down, proving what everyone except the Whitehall planners knows, that you can have either democracy or bureaucracy but not both. Those familiar with Rudolf Klein's work will not be surprised to find that the book contains much more that is relevant to the study of politics than the title and subject might suggest. It provides valuable empirical material with which to illuminate some of the central concepts in the discipline. Discussions of representation, consultation in policy making, devolution, professionalism-even 'exit, voice and loyalty'-an be enlivened by the ideas and information contained here. To the citizen, however, the message received may well be different: of Whitehall planners creating nonsensical distinctions between the management of a vital public service and its political control by, and accountability to, representatives of the community; or of arrogant professionals disdainfully holding the public's representatives at arm's length. A somewhat obscure title conceals an interesting book. Professor van Gunsteren's critique is directed against the practicality and desirability of supposedly 'rational' central planning executed through administrative rules. His demonstration that logical models of analysis, coupled with attempted predictions of human behaviour, do not make plans themselves rational, is fairly familiar but quite well done. He points out that social sciences are not well equipped to answer the questions planners need to know, that their predictions are most unreliable, and that in any case planners cannot keep clear of either value judgements or facts of power-in other words of politics and ethics. He criticizes the pretensions of 'systems planners', wades into the follies of P.P.B.S. in the U.S.A., and argues that planning is tolerable only when reduced to more limited and traditional dimensions of policy-making. This critique of 'rational' concepts of planning is often perceptive, interesting, and itself logical, but sometimes van Gunsteren seems to be sticking pins in a straw man. His overkill of planning rests, I think, upon two errors: (a) his mistaken assumption that planners believe in (and planning depends upon) a kind of comprehensive rationality and social predictability; on the contrary some planners in Britain have become almost too modest to be worth employing;

R U D O L F K L E l N
and (b) his obscure distinction between planning and policy-making. This appears to be in the planners presumed hubris over manipulating social behaviour, but policy-makers also manipulate. His distinction in one place between operational plans in the service of an agreed end (which are all right) and wider social plans (which are not) will not stand up, especially when he assigns the construction of a city to the first category (pp.

3-4).
In fact policy-making shades into comprehensive planning as the range of factors considered gets wider, and as more systematic analysis of problems is attempted. There is nothing in this process which leads necessarify to false rationalism and theorizing or to unrealistic aims. Even if it be conceded (as I would) that the intellectual and organizational problems grow as the field is widened, still there may be social, technological, and political considerations which make the effort worthwhile and up to a point practicable. Van Gunsteren himself displays the fault of which he accuses planners, which is to build comprehensive systems that are intellectually coherent but pragmatically false. While comprehensive academic theories of social planning from the top down invite comprehensive intellectual demolitions, this Olympian debate continues to miss the middle ground of issues which actually concern planning in Western democracies.
The book, however, deals with more than planning, and goes on to criticize the grave uncertainties and inadequacies of administrative law which derive (thinks the author) from 294 BOOKS reliance upon a multiplication of legislative-bureaucratic rules, without the fertilization of interpretation by 'legal notables' (as he calls them) learned in custom, equity, and by implication smely-the problems of public policy. He follows this with a critique of the unwisdom of reliance upon 'rules' as such, and with speculations as to whether psychological anxieties in modem societies have produced dependence upon central plans, rules, and controls. For this reviewer these chapters were alternately puzzling-sometimes, one again suspects, a straw man is being attacked-and illuminating. The author of Modern Organization (1961) and Bureaucracy and Innovation (1969) has pulled together in a slim but substantial paperback his reflections on bureaucracy. It is an ideal teaching document, appropriate for students of organization theory, administrative theory, management theory and the theory of bureaucracy. Each of five chapters is a self-contained 'module' that could be the text for a seminar discussion. It is theory without tears and obscurity, and should encourage students to grapple with some classical administrative problems and dilemmas.
In a witty and hard-headed manner he examines organization both as an artificial instrument to achieve the owner's goals and as a natural social system. He focuses on the evolution of organizations, and whether they can act rationally, to maximize the owner's goals; whether they can innovate, that is solve problems in uncertainty (non-rational behaviour); and whether they can be compassionate to clients and employees, that is behave irrationally. His objective is to provide a moral and philosophical basis for organization without sacrificing the behavioural understanding of recent years.
The diagrams are comprehensible, the bibliography comprehensive and the humour a delight. A sample: 'Designers without clients, like Plato, are just doodlers.' 'Never before in history have so many of the powerless been exercising power.' 'The new public administration (and the new political science) is an extreme klitism.' 'The logic is [for P.P.B.]: the deficiencies of private economic decision making create the need for government decision making. Therefore, government decision making should be modelled after private decision making.' Coalition formation in parliamentary democracies has attracted both the generalization of authoritative writers and the more recent theoretical explorations and quantitativeexaminations which have dominated the field. The latter have shown up the fallacies of the simple (and rather arrogant) equation of coalition with cabinet instability which runs through much British and American writing; but their rather abstract approach has diverted attention from the concern of writers such as Lowell and Bryce with the effectiveness of democratic government, and hence duration of cabinets. Lawrence Dodd successfully undertakes a synthesis of the older concern with newer, quantitative methods. He posits that the key characteristic of party government is not the number of parties present, but whether the number present is the neceSSary number; that is a number which guarantees an overall majority but does not include any party without whose presence there would still be an overall majority. He demonstrates very clearly and elaborately that this type of party government, what he calls a minimum winning coalition, has a record of far greater duration than any type which depart from its conditions. A single party government with an overall majority is, of course, a special type of minimum winning coalition; but its record of durability is only a little greater than that of such coalitions of two or more parties. xx + 283 pp., €10.10.

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But single party governments without an overall majority, or multi-party coalitions in parliaments where one party has an overall majority, are convincingly shown to be less stable than multi-party minimum winning coalitions. Dodd pursues his theory through a series of refinements and with a multitude of statistics on 279 cabinets formed since 1918 in seventeen Western states. This makes for heavy reading, which is a pity since his fmding deserves to become widely known, and to be taken into account by all those who seek to understand how parties form governments and by those examining the operation of particular party systems.
Despite the complexity of the works which first expounded the essential rules and propositions associated with game theory, the basic idea underlying this area of mathematics has become widely appreciated. No analysis of conflict can now fail to make reference to the terminology and concepts generated by the study of games. The game of chicken, for example, reveals the relationship between risk and stake and the prisoners' dilemma game can illustrate the way individual rationality can lead to collective irrationality. These games, however, are restricted to a two-party situation. This restriction has been justified on the grounds that the object of game theory is to analyse conflict at the most general level. However, the restriction is too stringent because the nature of conflict changes substantially when more than two parties are involved. Strategies associated with coalition formation, 'divide and rule', and mediation then become possible.
In Cohesion and Conflict, David Wilkinson extends the analysis of game theory to conflict situations where a third party is involved. For the general reader, the introductory chapters offer a lucid analysis of the third party in conflict situations, and provide a description of the existing experimental research. The subsequent chapters use mathematical models to examine coalition formation. Althouth the exposition is clear, and the mathematics involved is not fundamentally difficult, these chapters will probably appear daunting to all but the most persistent reader, unaccustomed to this mode of analysis. Nevertheless, the book constitutes a valuable contribution to the literature.
Cognitive maps attempt to represent the structure of individual or group decision-making in graphic form. The structure is displayed by points representing a concept such as an asserted belief, a policy option or an objective. Arrows represent an assertion that one point A causally affects another point B whether positively or negatively. The maps trace the path of these arrows leading ultimately to the policy outcome or cyclically back to an earlier point. The object according to the editor and chief contributor, Robert Axelrod, is firstly, to explain more precisely the way in which Clite decision-makers organize their beliefs and concepts and make inferences for policy. Secondly, the contributors have a policy-orientation, hoping that the use of cognitive maps will improve tlite decision-making. Methodological essays are accompanied by five case-studies which range from the discussions of the British Eastern Committee in 1918 on intervention in Persia through an examination of the views of Gouvemeur Morris on the presidency in the American Constitutional Convention to the politics of the international control of the oceans. It is claimed that compared with other approaches to d e c i s i o n -d i g the method starts from the concepts, or assertions, of the actors and not from some external reconstruction.
The case-studies do not appear obviously superior to the normal verbal presentations by historians. Setting aside the philosophical problems of regarding reasons as causes, the method 296 BOOKS faces other difficulties arising from the rhetorical and ideological character of political language.
The case-studies are noncomparative and a more interesting use of the approach might be as an extension of the study of 'operational codes' by comparing the decision-making style of an individual or group across a number of decisions to portray a decision-making style. Those interested in the approach will find suggestions for further projects and a technical manual.

GERAINT P A R R Y
Ted Tapper, Political Education and Stability: dire responses to political conflict. Wiley, 1976,265 pp., E7.75.
A nicely produced and elaborately footnoted work which seeks to examine the character of 'the Anglo-American political culture'. It is, in fact, a useful text for comparative government courses concerning these two countries only partially vitiated by its belief that there is an Anglo-American political culture. The book grows out of the political socialization studies of Hyman, Greenstein, et al., and is a useful guide through that often wooden literature. There are interesting studies of some clear problem areas-working-class conservatism in Britain, the Afro-American subculture, Ulster and the socialization of women. Tapper seems a little too respectful of some of his sources and unwilling to strike out too imaginatively on his own, but the book is a solid and useful achievement, pulling together a widely fragmented literature in a coherent, readable and sober fashion. This volume is a very simple introduction to evaluative research. There is no doubt in my mind that there are better guides to problems of evaluative research available, though many of these are heavily oriented toward economists and require some sophistication to use or understand.
The authors of this book, in pursuing their intention to avoid jargon and technicality, have so completely avoided economic and related theory that it is not clear whether what is left is of much use. Most of the detailed study in the book relates to evaluating public health programs in the United States. While the section on experimental design is clear, scant attention is paid to problems of measuring social indicators, and such problems as the applicability of costbenefit analysis in these areas and difficulties with external costs and effects are left largely unraised. The purpose of evaluative research is also left unclear: since implementation of evaluative findings is often outside the responsibilities of those doing the research, the authors claim that the quality of evaluative research does not depend on the effectiveness of the resulting programs. This sounds rather like recommending research for its own sake, which in times of financial stringency is not likely to be a persuasive argument for funding more evaluative research.

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The result, like so many package tours, is interesting, stimulating but also somewhat frustrating in the final reckoning. So many of the subjectschosen for exploration seem to reflect the guide's personal interests, rather than beiig chosen because they represent a particularly good way of opening up an analytical vista. For example, one chapter compares Swedish and German policies towards comprehensive education, but a different chapter compares American attempts to bring about racial integration in schools with British attempts to bring about social integration through comprehensivization (which arguably are totally different policy areas and aims). Again, the chapter on transport compares Dutch and British transport policies on the assumption that the former illustrate an anti-car attitude, while the latter show the strength of the motor lobby: an antithesis which is not supported by data, and which is contradicted by the experience of anyone who has driven in the two countries. Still, while this rather haphazard approach offers few generalized illuminations about the policy process or about particular policy issues, the journey offers many incidental insights. For instance, the chapter on taxation opens up a much neglected subject, clearly worth further investigation by academic tourists. Overall, therefore, this book is a useful introduction to the subject even though it does not succeed entirely in its more ambitious aim of developing the study of comparative policies. The fiscal crisis of the State refers to the inability of even a much enlarged public expenditure to meet the demands upon it, plus the inability of taxation to keep up with expenditure. The State has become the fulcrum of increasing conflicts between claimant groups, increasingly militant public service unions, and tax payers' resistance, evasion, or 'revolts'. How and why this is occurring is a fascinating subject for political economy, capable of many speculations and answers.
The merit of Mr. O'Connor's book is the mass of material which he has assembled about the fiscal problems of American government, which are well documented and sometimes interestingly discussed. Its weakness is the neo-Marxist theoretical framework which he clamps down upon his data, and which fits at times most awkwardly when other explanations would seem more plausible. To explain that the 'warfare-welfare state' (as he calls it) is in the interest of 'monopoly capitalism' is plausible enough in the case of much public expenditure-roads and defence contracts, for example. Growing welfare expenditure is then explained as the resultant of the need to buy off the surplus labour produced by higher capitalization, some of which also gets displaced into the inflated public payrolls.
But is it just 'capitalism' which produces these developments, or (additionally and alternatively) other factors such as modem technology, international competition, strong union pressures, the uses of 'ash can socialism', and so on. One way or another labour in the public sector grows, and in the remunerative part of the private sector shrinks. Mr. O'Connor explains that the expanding public sector is wanted by monopoly capitalism, which it helps, but not by competitive capitalism (small business) which is hurt by higher taxes, etc. He also has particular explanations of policy changes-for example, the automobile lobby wanted endless roads but no public transport until the property interests in the city centres imposed (precariously I should have thought) different priorities.
This very example suggests more competition and less homogeneity among big business interests than he generally allows. Still he does demonstrate persuasively the close involvement and financial gain to business interests of much State expenditure. He foresees no political coalition capable of solving the financial crisis, short of bankruptcy and a switch to socialism. If the theories of the book do not convince, at least there is material and insights here to help with the construction of more complete explanations. The Changing American Voter is unquestionably a major work on which students of American electoral politics will long rely. Based principally upon data collected by the Survey Research Center at the University of Michigan, the book studies changes in electoral attitudes and behaviour between the landslides of Eisenhower in 1956 and Nixon in 1972-though it also discusses the period from the New Deal through 1952 insofar as evidence permits. Briefly stated, the authors describe a change from an issueless, party-dominated politics in the Eisenhower years, to a politics (identifiable by the 1964 election) in which issues, often related to each other in ideologically coherent ways, have superseded the influence of party. The argument is clear, persuasive, and jargon-free.
The book has only one serious flaw. Though purporting to study electoral behaviour generally, the authors concentrate almost completely on Presidential elections. But it is arguable that since the 195Os, electoral behaviour in Presidential elections has developed special characteristics of its own. Until 1948, there was traditionally a substantial connection between a party's Presidential vote and its success in Congressional elections. Since 1952, however, the Republicans, with the exception of the Goldwater candidacy in 1964, have run in Presidential elections far ahead of their performance in Congressional contests. Given the decline in Republican registration in the period, one wonders if 'issue-voting' has in fact superseded 'party-voting' across the board. If it has, must one hypothesize that the electorate is concerned about different issues when voting in Congressional elections? In any event, the divergent pattern in Presidential and Congressional results is unique in American history; either the authors should have sought an explanation for it, or more carefully limited the claims which they make.

STEPHEN M . G O L D M A N
Herbert E. Alexander, Financing the 1972 Election. Teakfield, 1976, xxiii + 771 pp., Herbert E. Alexander's Citizens' Research Foundation at Princeton, New Jersey, has for nearly two decades provided a thorough quadrennial analysis of the vast, complex and dubious industry of American election financing. His work shows in yet another sector of American government and society what a surprising quantity and quality of embarrassing information can be found by the persistent researcher. The 1972 book has available the rich new material opened up by the Watergate investigations, and the fuller disclosures required by the longdebated reform bill which has at last passed into law. Consequently, besides providing the usual data of a somewhat routine kind, in a profusion very useful for specialists but rather overwhelming for others, this book gives much more. It includes a potted history of Watergate and other campaign abuses, including descriptions of the activities financed as well as the financing, so that it covers a lot of muddy ground. It also contains an account of the new legislation, much material on business and labour contributions, the means by which the Nixon Administration gave financial favours and concessions to friends and withheld them from opponents, the sale of embassies, the sudden rise of the dairy lobby etc. Democratic presidential campaign financing (especially Senator Humphrey's) get a full share of attention, but there is very little on Senate and House campaigns. Altogether it is an extraordinary compact manual of the seamy side of American presidential politics, written in the soberest academic prose. The father of John Rockefeller (Senior) had somewhat eccentric views on child rearing. He was fond of saying 'I cheat my boys every chance I get. I skin 'em every time I can. I want to make 'em sharp'. In its own terms, the theory was correct; John Rockefeller had the shrewdness to BOOKS 299 take his chances and amass a fortune which was one of the largest the United States has known and which still captures the popular imagination throughout the world.
Collier and Horowitz have written a balanced and scholarly study which is neither an attack upon, or apologia for, the Rockefellers. It is, moreover, as their subtitle makes clear, a portrait of a dynasty rather than an enquiry into the private lives of any one Rockefeller. Thus we are told enough about Nelson Rockefeller's divorce to appreciate the impact of the public man, but no more. Only the final section with its somewhat excessive sympathy for the problems of J. Rockefeller (Snr.)'~ great grandchildren in growing up rich lacks general interest.
The author's scholarship, access to family archives and concern to avoid polemic should make their work a valuable source book for social scientists. The pages of the book will no doubt be scanned and selectively quoted to show the presence or absence of a power elite in the America's best known capitalist was never allowed by his party to champion its cause or that of the system at the polls.

H. J. Wexler & R. Peck, Housing and Local Government: a research guide for policy-
This book is to be highly recommended to all political scientists and public and social administration specialists who are concerned with housing policy as a substantive area of governmental activity. The local housing process is characterized as dynamic, complex. involving multitudes of participants and unusually vulnerable to nationwide economic trends. Policy related research is that aimed at discovering principles of action relevant to a broad variety of settings -as opposed to policy analysis which seeks solutions to specific problems. The greater part of the text is devoted to a systematic analysis of the literature relating to local housing activities, in an effort to discover why it is that research studies have been so largely ignored by American local policy-makers. Is it because it is written by academics primarily for other academics? Has it not been disseminated in an appropriate form? Is it so poor and so tentative as to discourage broader dissemination and application? The authors conclude that the answer to all of these questions is 'yes' in most cases. Attention is focused on four types of policy instrument: planning and urban renewal tools; codes and regulations; real property taxation; and housing assistance programmes. Housing problems are categorized under three headings : problems of quality; problems of quantity; and problems of cost and distribution. Four chapters deal systematically with the four types of policy instrument; one deals with methodological problems, including those arising from institutional contexts, and the authors end with a long list of recommendations, mainly for action by the federal Department of Housing and Urban Affairs. There is a bibliography of 955 items and information on how to keep it up to date; report of a questionnaire survey of local housing policy-makers; an account of cost-benefit analysis; a reprinting of the evaluation forms used; and material relating to the National Science Foundation which funded the study. This interesting essay tries to do too much in too short a compass. First, it attempts to propound a model of bureaucratic authoritarian regimes-drawn essentially from the developmental study of Latin America-and then to apply it to the declining years of Salazarist Portugal. The model is not strikingly relevant, revealing or original; its application pushes Professor Graham into an overly deterministic analysis expressed in an excessively functionalist approach that confuses plausible identification of function with the real nature of the regime. So, for example, the relatively powerless single party, and the legislative and corporative chambers, are said to have accommodated the notables in order to mobilize their prestige on behalf of government. But would such a complex have disappeared so painlessly after the coup of 25 April 19741 On the ground, of course, notables exploited the positions conferred by the regime to benefit themselves and perhaps their clients; they discredited rather than legitimized public authority.
But the author's remarks on the actual working of the old system-its bureaucratic politics with its fatal intermixture of home and colonial interests and policy-is often shrewd and revealing (and rather contradicts his initial conceptual framework). It is a pity he has left himself too little space to develop that aspect of his study more fully.
Professional Paper no. 53,1975,67  Four of the essays have an international context. From the cloudcuckoo land of the Bremen New Left Heide Gerstenberger discusses theories of the State ('It is typical of the post-war era to treat fascism as a kind of historical accident for which malicious dictators were to blame. This made it unnecessary to discuss critically basic structures of bourgeois society and its state'). Of similar ideological provenance (F.U. Berlin), but much superior in content, is Ulrich Albrecht's and Udo Rehfeldt's study of East-West trade. Equally informative and well argued is Gerd Junne's 'Multinational Banks, the State and International Integration'. Beside these two, Gerda Zellentin's unfulfilled promise of Marxist-Leninist theories on regionalism and integration seems superfiuous.
The only item on the D.D.R. is a detailed and systematic report on current West German research.
Like the first volume, this one contains a valuable bibliography. The English is in general readable, though there are some mistranslations, e.g. political economies for political economy, electricity-work for power station. Building on earlier work by Golan, Kusin, Brown and many others he has pulled together many diverse strands into a massive, yet compellingly readable, synthesis. His authoritatively documented and balanced interpretation is likely to dominate discussion of the subject especially as the flow of new facts is beginning to dry up.
The book is really a number of self-contained studies. These can be read individually by readers lacking stamina for the whole course but much will be lost by doing so. The nature of Czechoslovakia's communism, the challenges to Novotny's regime between 1963 and late 1967 and the political history of the 'Prague Spring' from January to the Soviet occupation in August 1968 are set out in depth in the first third or so of the book. The middle part analyses the new models of socialist politics, economics, legality and federalized Czech-Slovak relations which seemed to be emerging. Skilling then discusses post-Novotny foreign policy, the varied and differentiated responses of the ruling communist parties to Czechoslovak developments and the decision to intervene militarily and its consequences. The Czechoslovak democratization process was a confusing welter of reformist and revolutionary elements contending both with each other and with more conservative ones. Skilling assesses the external constraints provided by Soviet power realistically but is not c o n v i n d by + 924 pp,, E31.30 boards, E10.50 paperback. 302 BOOKS arguments such as Tigrid's on the unreformability of communist regimes from within. In his view the Soviet occupation halted a succession of major ongoing individual reforms, the cumulative effect of which, over a period of time, would have led to a metamorphosis of the entire system. A beguiling, but unfortunately, now unprovable scenario. This book comes nearer to being an analysis of the 'political culture' of a socialist state than any other book that has been attempted with this purpose in mind. The reason for this quasisuccess lies in the fact that here at least some of the pre-requisites of an analysis in political culture have been used: direct interviewing with people actually living in the country, i.e. not only refugees; use of the documentation quantified by different institutes of public opinion in the country itself, as well as of social, economic and demographic statistics from similar sources, but, all of them, wisely checked and discussed by the author. No other study in 'political culture' of a communist society has yet benefited from direct means of investigation-but then, Yugoslavia is still the most hospitable communist country for Westem researchers.
Yet if the result is not completely satisfactory it is still because the methods of investigation are not adequate. Or, in other words, the second aspect of Robert Tucker's definition of political culture, which Denitch adopts for the methodological purposes of his study of a Communist society, i.e. 'behavioural attitudes which may or may not be officially approved' is insufficiently explored while of the first, i.e. 'normative statements consonant with the ideology of the tlite', there is a surfeit. The general conclusion of the study that 'the conscious political intervention of the League leadership appears to explain more about Yugoslavia and its specific path of development than any other single variable' is disappointing both by being somewhat anti-climatically banal a s well as by being an over-generalization. Here are, among many others, three questions which deserve to be looked into more closely: is self-management in the socio-economic life a Unifying, indeed legitimating, system for modem Yugoslavia? If it has become so, how is it reconciled with the second and much stronger pluralization of the once monolithic regime, i.e. the decentralization toward the Republics, and the triumph of the sub-nationalisms? Does the fact that the League has initially been a Party-Army create a special 'legitimation' in Yugoslavia (and in China) for the Army as the ultimate guardian of the unity of an otherwise particularly centrifugal communist regime? GHITA IONESCU Roy A. Medvedev, Political Essays. Spokesman Books, 1976,151 pp., E5.95.
Some of the essays in this book have already been published in various journals and newspapers. They fall into two parts. Four essays deal with the problems of ddtente. This group of essays is not of the same quality as Medvedev's longer work, On Socialist Democracy. Rather they are journalistic pieces, some of which are rather out-dated: for instance, the essay on democracy and ddtente first published in 1973. The essay on the Soviet view of the Watergate affair is of interest. Medvedev claims that the Soviet leaders were disturbed by it for three main reasons. Nixon's troubles slowed down the prospects for dttente, and showed the great influence of the opposition in a democracy and the weight of an independent press and judiciary. The Russians also looked down their noses at the unprofessional manner in which Nixon did his bugging.
The second group of essays in this book deals with Solzhenitsyn. It is useful to note on what Medvedev and Solzhenitsyn agree, and on what they differ. Both assail Stalin, but Medvedev, unlike Solzhenitsyn, exonerates Lenin for what happened after the latter's death. Medvedev points out that Solzhenitsyn, like so many dissidents in and outside the Soviet Union, is mainly negative in his criticism and offers little in the way of positive suggestions. He finds that Solzhenitsyn's notion of a just society based on a belief in God is hardly novel and somewhat utopian into the bargain. Medvedev insists that Marxism-Leninism can and will provide its own moral values. As a resident in the Soviet Union Medvedev also objects to Solzhenitsyn's claim to speak for all dissidents.

F. J. M. Felbrugge, Samizdat and Political Dissent in the Soviet Union. Sijthoff, 1975,
This work is based on the considerable sources of illegal publications written in the Soviet Union and available in the West in such collections as that of Radio Liberty. The author outlines the major sources available and classifies the criticisms into analytical approaches to Soviet society. Dissident opinion, it is suggested, may be divided into groups of technocrats, socialists, liberal-democrats, dissident Marxist-Leninists and non-Russian nationalists. Felbrugge defines the actual groups and periodicals and journals which circulate in the U.S.S.R.
The book may be regarded more as a good hand-book on Soviet sarnizdat than as a piece of political science. It provides a useful service in analysing the message contained in various documents. The book may be of use to specialists on dissent, and to students who have an interest in contemporary socialism as a counter-ideology.

C. P. Fitzgerald, Ma0 Tsetung and China.
Hodder & Stoughton, 1976, vi + 166 pp., This excellent and short biography by an outstanding scholar of modem Chinese history is aimed at the general reader. It has been published at an opportune time for the manner and style of both the struggle for succession and the legitirnization of the successor has tended to obscure the 'phenomenon of Mao'. One of the keys to understanding Mao is to be found in his admiration and critique of classical Chinese literature. The heroes drawn from various social strata were victims of injustice and fought oppression, but lacking an alternative ideology achieved no fundamental alteration in the conditions of the masses. Professor Fitzgerald described Mao's mission 'to fill this gap in the traditional literature of popular protest while building on the very real and valid forces which it expressed'. This sets the tone of the book, which necessarily covers the familiar course of pre-Liberation heroics to post-Liberation intrigues while conveying critically the sense of struggle and achievement. The Chinese Communist Party has experienced at least ten internal crises since its founding in 1921 and has become highly adept at concealing their true nature. Despite this secrecy Professor Fitzgerald has written an intelligent and balanced chapter on the policy conflicts during the controversial and elusive period 1957-66. The dangers in China-watching are yet again revealed in a concluding chapter on heirs and legacies, but do detract from Professor Fitzgerald's argument that joint leadership and consensus are alien to the Chinese character and to Chinese decision making.

Rae1 Jean Isaac, Israel Divided: ideological politics in the Jewish State. The Johns
The focus of this book is narrower than its title suggests. It is not a broad treatment of the ideological dimension of Israeli politics but a specialized study of the origins, nature and impact of two ideological movements which emerged in the aftermath of the Six Day War: the Land of Israel Movement and the Peace. Movement. Both were fringe movements dominated by intellectuals; both cut across party lines; both offered policies based on traditional conceptions of Zionism applied to current realities and both emphasised the importance of ideology as a basis for action to a leadership that prided itself on being pragmatic. The former advocated the Hopkins U.P., 1976,227 pp., E7.65.

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incorporation of all the territories occupied in the 1967 war into the boundaries of Israel. The latter advocated the return of most of these territories and a conciliatory policy designed to lead to accommodation with the Arabs. As the Government's policy of 'territories for true peace' was seen to be leading nowhere, each movement stepped up the pressure for the adoption of its policy alternative, thereby contributing to an ideological polarization reminiscent of the pre-State period. The most revealing chapter examines the erosion of the middle ground and the progressive break up of the Government consensus as rival groups of Ministers became identified with the ideological alternatives offered by the two movements. But in general the author exaggerates the political significance of the two movements and her evident identification with the Land of Israel Movement colours her presentation of the facts and leads to disconcerting conclusions about the inevitability of a new war that might end in a decisive Israeli victory leading to the fulfilment of the ideology of the Movement.

Mohamed Sid-Ahmed, After the Guns Fall Silent: peace or Armageddon in the Middle
The October War shattered irreversibly the previous pattern of the Arab-Israeli conflict. This book by a leading Egyptian marxist journalist is an exploration of the mechanics, scope and limitations of the codict in the aftermath of the war and an attempt to sketch likely scenarios for future developments in the Middle East. In contrast to the traditional Arab view the author does not regard the conflict as absolute and immutable but as sensitive to the changing international environment. His thesis is that another war-which might include an Israeli nuclear component-would be disastrous and a settlement must be sought through the application of the rules of detente to the Middle East. Sid-Ahmed stresses the importance of positive incentives such as industrial belts on either side of the confrontation lines and not merely negative measures in order to ensure the security of all. But he is concerned not only with the reaching of a settlement but also with the implications of the settlement: what shape will the Middle East take after the guns fall silent? Here his most controversial idea is that since the October War established a balance between Arab quantity and Israeli quality the Arabs are no longer compelled to keep Israel at arm's length in order to counter the threat of Israeli economic and technological domination but should endeavour to absorb her by granting her a functional role in their own development. As an exercise in futurology this book suffers from many deficiencies. But it is a courageous, original and provocative contribution by an Arab intellectual to thinking about the unthinkable.

A. I. Dawisha, Egypt in the Arab World: the elements of foreignpolicy. Macmillan, 1976,
A. I. Dawisha's Egypr in rhe Arab World is an attempt to study Egyptian foreign policy since 1952 in terms of the concept of a foreign policy 'system' developed by Brecher and others.
While the first part of the book contains a useful, chronological, description of the country's international relations during the Nasser period, the second attempts to analyse the Arab aspect of this same policy in terms of 'capabilities and constraints', 'institutions and processes', and 'values and images'. A final chapter, 'Political objectives', is an effort to examine Egypt's foreign policy 'values', 'goals', and objectives' in order to meet one of the major criticisms levelled against the Brecher model: its failure to incorporate the concept of 'feed-back' or the effect on policy-makers of changes which they themselves have helped to bring about in their operational environment.
The reader's response to the book will, of necessity, be largely conditioned by his attitude to the methodology employed. To those who find the Brecher model useful its use by Dawisha will probably seem interesting but not particularly instructive in that the basic elements in the Egyptian system are sketched in in such little detail. Others will find the author's main conclusions no more than a well-researched statement of the obvious. Roger Lewis has performed something of a service by bringing together a compact though fairly comprehensive collection of articles dealing with the 'Robinson-Gallagher controversy'.
In a way, though, one almost regrets the focusing of such huge attention on these two writers, clever and funny though Africa and the Victorians was. The true subject, surely, is or ought to be, imperialism. At the end of ploughing through Robinson and Gallagher-either neat, or as partially reproduced here-one is apt to feel slightly unsteady on one's feet. If one then plods on through the array of powerful authorities marshalled here (including Platt, Shepperson, Rostow, Owen, A. J. P. Taylor, Brunschwig, May, Kanya-Forstner, and Fieldhouse, to name but a selection), it is possible to become entirely giddy. There is still an almost unbridgeable gulf between imperial history and African (or other third world) history. To those working at the periphery the dispute seems arcanely metropolitan. Gallagher and Robinson took aim at a rather crude Hobson-Lenin Aunt Sally. They found that colonies often didn't make money for colonial administrations; that the metropoles would normally have preferred informal to formal controls; that metropolitan policy reacted continuously to the crises it had helped create at the periphery; that strategic motives were often more important than narrowly economic ones. If one simply says 'well, yes, of course' to all these propositions one is not only no nearer but also no further from a theory of imperialism than when one started. The fact is that there is no longer a single, unified marxist theory of imperialism at which to take aim, but (as any reader of Owen and SutcliRe's Studies in the Theory of Imperialism will know) even in its new multiplicity of forms the marxist tradition still offers far and away the richest and most rewarding framework (or set of them) for the understanding of imperialism. Gallagher and Robinson have not really made any noticeable dent in that tradition which rolls on, leaving 'their' controversy as an increasingly isolated eddy in the stream. No scholar could complain of that-they made a fair splash and both controversialists have long since swum off themselves. The Lewis book is a decidedly useful teaching aid; should and will be prescribed and read; but it cannot make a whirlpool from the eddy just the same. An extremely useful addition to the literature on this subject for two reasons. First, Decalo is not primarily concerned to rehearse for the ninth time the factors precipitating the military into politics; he is concerned with the (now) more interesting question of how they actually function when they are in power. Secondly, his material is drawn from case-studies of Dahomey, Togo, Congo-Brazzaville and Uganda, states less well-covered in the literature than the major Anglophone states. The material is up to date and well organized. Decalo finds that military rule has not proved to be significantly different from civilian rule in most important respects, nor has it proved anywhere a particularly effective or successful form of government. Nonetheless, Decalo is able to bring out important differences in the style and performance of military regimes. It is a mature, impressive and useful book.

E9.50.
This is another important and impressive publication from the Cambridge African Studies series which has now clearly surpassed its older Oxford counterpart. The book appears at a moment when it seems likely that the Western powers will attempt to bring about a Kenyamodel decolonization in Rhodesia. It certainly deserves a readership among all those interested in southern as well as East Africa. Kenya's tiny White population owned 7.5 million acres of BOOKS the best land from which they produced 85 per cent of the colony's agricultural exports. They were faced with the desperate land-hunger of the displaced African population; a guerrilla movement; KANU and KADU; and Iain Macleod. The White community was intimately connected with social networks in Britain which stood in the wings, well placed to prompt lines to the Conservative leadership at the front of the stage. Despite this a smooth transition to at least a neo-colonial African independence was achieved. Wassennan, quite rightly, is fascinated by the more general implications this process raised for discussions of decolonization and neocolonialism as well as by the detailed history of the process on the ground. This could easily have been a long and theoretically pretentious book. Instead it is compact, well-organized and thoroughly detailed. An earlier generation of books on the Mau Mau revolt rightly received wide attention. Wasserman has brought the story to an end and his work throws a major new light on a large earlier literature.
Dilip Hiro succeeds completely in his aim: to put into a relatively concise book a comprehensive and up-to-date survey of the Indian polity in all its essential aspects. He has married two complementary skills, that of the serious political journalist and of the research scholar, and the result is a study that makes compelling reading while also providing the data and source citations students and specialists require. The statistics he gives gain life and meaning from his far-ranging interviews with people of practically every class-he worked on this in India for some nineteen months-but the great detail in no way obscures the overall picture of a society in extremis. Indira Gandhi's 'constitutional coup d'etat' provides the climax to the study, and though it came only after a first draft had been completed Hiro is justified in claiming that the whole analysis of his study points to just such an establishment of dictatorial power in Delhi. Hiro has provided a book that all students of contemporary south Asia will have to read and that specialists on the area will be glad to have read: he is due both thanks and congratulations.

Moshe Lissak, Military Roles in Modernization: cicil-military relations in Thailand and
Moshe Lissak utilizes the somewhat discredited assumption about the modernizing role of the military in new states as a point of analytical reference for a comparative study of armies in Thailand and Burma. Given the fact that such an assumption was advanced first in the late 195Os, the author's current concern with the 'demystification of the advantages of the military sphere' appears somewhat misplaced. Nonetheless. the comparative study of the military experience in politics in Burma and Thailand is sound and the distinguishing differences of each well established. Thus, Lissak points out that in Burma the dominant feature is the desire to impose a specific doctrine of social change, while in Thailand it is the desire to impose the corporate interest of the military on civilian society as a whole. In both cases the outcome has been less than successful in terms of criteria of modernization and justifies the author's final sub-heading which reads 'The Military as a pseudo-modernizer'.

Donald K. Emmerson, ludotresia's Elite: political culture and cultural politics. Cornell
Once again an American sociologist has tried to analyse the major cleavages in Indonesian society in terms of vertical alignments of social forces sharing a common core of values and religious beliefs-the type of cleavage known in Indonesia as Aliran. These vertical cleavages push class conflict in Java entirely into the background. The tlites' diverse cultural and religious backgrounds, in one way or another triumph over their institutional roles as modernizers and nation-builders. U.P., 1976,303 pp., flO.15.

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What is novel is Emmerson's exploration of the struggle as it affects the lives of individuals holding high office in political institutions. The book involves a study of the political beliefs of these 6lites and the personal experiences that shaped them in a period of rapid social change. The experience of Colonial Rule, Revolution and Post-Independence politics is captured in the memories of 40 randomly chosen bureaucrats and legislators stationed in Djakarta.
The Archipelago's 90-300 ethnic groups have unequal access to power, with the Javanese majority monopolizing most of the political offices. However, the contrast between the nominally Muslim, animistic Abangans and the devout Muslim Santris divides the Javanese Clite and prevents monolithic political domination by a homogeneous group. That division is compounded by the basic institutional contrast between administrators and legislators; Parliament has never been much more than a 'fragile ornament' imposed by the West, decorating a much older and more influential authoritarian bureaucracy. Thus, to the extent that the bureaucracy is politically dominant and its membership monopolized by Javanese and Abangans, whilst the legislature is weaker, more multi-ethnic and Santri in orientation, then the more political and cultural imbalances become mutually reinforcing. Furthermore, the socialization and recruitment process of the bureaucratic 6lite had made them culturally more homogeneous and cosmopolitan than the members of the legislature.
According to the author, the sharpness of the Abangan-Santri cleavage is more a matter of adult political socialization than a reflection of differences in the childhood experiences of men emanating from culturally heterogenous backgrounds. It is the adult political response to questions involving the 'cultural politics' of the State that gives rise to this division. The author explicitly concentrates on the political 6lites rather than on the masses. But is it only the Clites and middle-classes who identify with these vertical alignments? Emmerson admits to some class basis for religious identification, e.g. the upholding of Islam by some as a political means to challenge Chinese economic power. However, he assumes that class conflict had always been over-shadowed by the conflict between culturally defined groups until the recent growth of sharp inequalities, having their roots in the 'New Order' Government's policies of economic development.
But it is not hard to iind evidence for the view that the struggle of Islam in Indonesia is primarily motivated by the interest of the rising class of Islamic traders and entrepreneurs.
There are enough incidents of Islamic precepts being bent by Muslim leaders when they stand in the way of pecuniary gain to suggest the primacy of economic motives. And political groupings, although apparently around a cultural-religious axis on the Aliran pattern, are often based on some form of economic dependency in a patron-client relationship. Many of the political party machines in the rural area were built out of existing patronage ties. Abangan share-croppers may well join the Orthodox N.U. (Muslim Teachers Party) because their Muslim landlords-and patrons-tell them to. These aspects of Indonesia's 'cultural politics' are somewhat lacking in Emmerson's book. Three essays survey the origins and development of the Japanese Upper House, together with the 1974 election of half of its members. Herbert Passin examines the conflicting pressures in the occupation period which led to Japan retaining a bicameral system, the way in which the initial dominant role of independents has given way to a more partisan conservative house, and yet the continued role of personalities in elections to the House of Councillors. It is an experiment and an experience of some relevance to discussion of reform of the British House of Lords.
The electoral system, a crude form of limited, personal proportional representation is particularly interesting; unfortunately though Passin has a quick look at the various effects of the system, some of the more telling evidence (such as a table on participation of women on p. 97) is found in the other two essays, without cross-reference.

Gerhard Mally, Interdependence: the European and American connection in the global
Changes in the contemporary international system-ften associated with the concept of interdependen-present disturbing problems for international relations specialists. It is argued that the changes obfuscate the neat distinction between domestic and foreign policy and indicate that economics has replaced security as the area of primary concern. This analysis invalidates some traditional assumptions and challenges the assertion that international relations operates as an independent discipline. If domestic and foreign policy is considered indivisible, then international relations can no longer be defined in terms of the external relations of states; and if economics identifies the principal mode of transaction, then it may be that the study of international relations should be left to the economist. Such suggestions, however, exaggerate the consequences of the changes and overestimate the willingness of economists to examine the political ramifications of economic activity. Nevertheless, although attempts are now being made to examine interdependence in international relations, so far, accepted and adequate tools have failed to emerge.
Gerhard Mally's contribution does not take us any further forward. After a cursory glance at global interdependence, Seen from the perspective of problems related to security, ecology, economics and international organization, he moves onto a description of the institutions established to deal with security issues affecting 'East-West' relations, and economic cooperation among the Western. advanced countries. Finally, he examines some of the ideas put forward to promote greater harmony among countries in the 'Western World'. Overall, the analysis is highly prescriptive and reflects an uncritical acceptance of the world as depicted by the United States administration.

Dina Zinnes, Contemporary Research in International Relations: a perspective and a
The title of this book could be misleading, although the author does not intend such confusion. It is a review of empirical, 'scientific', mathematical approaches to problems in international relations. Unfortunately this book does not altogether live up to the author's hopes, at least in the eyes of this reviewer. The first section of the book deals with index construction, the second with hypothesis testing and the thud with 'scientific' models of international politics. In all sections the material is presented with reference to studies undertaken within the 'Scientific Study of International Politics' (S.S.I.P.) field outlined by the author in the introductory chapter, but the attempt to combine a book on methodology with a book on applications and problems of theory is not convincing. There is undoubtedly a large amount of material in this book that is interesting and well documented but it is not all contemporary in the sense that it is up to date (which the author recognizes for example in the section on simulation and in the conclusion).
Given some understanding of S.S.I.P. methods this book has value as a reference work, but as an introduction to the field or as an attempt at synthesis it is of less use. critical appraisal. The Free Press, Collier-Macmillan, 1976, f12.50.
This study should only be read by those with some understanding of basic statistical method.
Using Corsons conflict indicator and scaling scheme the 1948-9 and 1961 Berlin Crises are analysed using a three phase crisis typology, viz precrisis, crisis and postcrisis. Using analysis of variance Tanter suggests (1) that the structure of behaviour of the Warsaw Pact over time generally is more homogeneous than is the structure of N.A.T.O.; (2) that there is generally more homogeneity in the structure of conflict action over time for both W.T.O. and N.A.T.O. in the 1948-9 crisis than in that of 1961 ; and (3) that for both alliances there is more heterogeneity of behaviour in the crisis phase than in the pre-and postcrisis phases. Six further tentative propositions concerning conflict, event interaction and organizational processes are deduced using path coefficients and regression. The final part of the book deals at the general level with modelling and managing conflicts and argues a need to generalize across conflict situation to improve the validity of conflict models and the ability to anticipate. There are three appendices providing a detailed chronology of events (which in itself could be of value to those interested in these crises) and information concerning reliability and procedures for the Berlin events data base.
For anyone interested in empirical analysis of crises this book is well worth reading. The book comprises three chapters. Chapter 1 by Edward Teller puts forward a plan of action for energy policy. The plan is relatively detailed and covers proposed use of a wide range of energy sources and conservation procedures. It assumes a more than doubled energy requirement during the next twenty years. Coal and nuclear energy are Seen as providing more than half the energy needs by the year 2000, the nuclear contribution being the largest.  This is a brief and very competent summary of the principal options open to West Germany foreign-policy makers since 1945, in particular of the way these options were seen by the main political parties. The treatment is partly chronological (three chapters), partly thematic (four chapters, devoted to different schools of strategic thinking). Given the amount of literature already available, Professor Hahn can hardly hope to be original within the word-limit of this paper; instead, he aims at, and achieves, notable intellectual coherence. The unifying theme is to be found in the paper's sub-title: the search for, even obsession with, security that characterizes German political thinking. It has roots going back well beyond 1945, and post-war experience has given it particular saliency. The author is not a political neuter, but his own evident 'Atlanticism' does not unbalance his presentation. It may be confidently recommended as an up-to-date introduction. transfers from the industrial countries to the Third World in order substantially to equalize world incomes. 'The real bargaining power of the poor lies in their ability and their willingness to disrupt the life styles of the rich. In any such confrontation, the rich have far more to lose and are generally far more willing to come to a workable compromise' (p. 179). In fact the poor countries cannot achieve this except by concerted action. Such action requires organization by the international agencies which may be readily forthcoming. The book is a convenient and succinct outline of the strategy of what Professor Martin Bronfenbrenner has termed 'predatory poverty on the offensive'. It therefore deserves to be read, especially as the author is a senior staff officer of the campaign. This is the first large-scale biography of Engels since the classic version by Gustav Mayer. The author assumes the view of the theories of Marx and Engels given in the standard Soviet Marxist-Leninist version : the two formulated the doctrine of dialetical materialism and spent their lives in applying the doctrine to politics, philosophy, economics, history, literature, art and science. There are in this version no differences of principle between Marx and Engels worthy of record. The various debates on the many issues which can be raised over this version, and which have preoccupied students of Marx and Engels, Marxist and non-Marxist alike, for the last fifty years seem to have passed the author by, though in extenuation one could plead that it helps to simplify interpretation. There is a considerable amount of useful and interesting material in these two volumes, especially in the detail concerning Engels' life in Manchester, and the pen portraits of friends in exile (Carl Schorlemmer in particular) will be of great value to English readers, and, indeed, to any future researchers in the subject. But, for the most part, the approach is wholly traditional. This is not in itself a bad thing, in view of the flights of fancy if not fantasy to which some interpreters are prone; but, in some instances, notably the discussion of the Communist Luxemburg's thought from what are seen as recurrent misinterpretations. Geras, in the first and third essays, takes to task those who associate Luxemburg's economic and political writings with so-called 'spontaneism' (i.e. a fatalistic belief or demonstration that capitalism is doomed to collapse and will inevitably be succeeded by socialism, which is complemented by the view that the labour movement would itself spontaneously generate the appropriate socialist consciousness to manage the society they fell heir to). To the present reader Geras is more convincing in establishing his case insofar as Luxemburg's economic analysis of Capitalism is concerned than in demonstrating that adequate consciousness in her view, is not a spontaneous efflux of the working class movement. The second essay on Luxemburg's attitude to the limitations of the 1905 Revolution is the weakest both in originality of interpretation as well as in general misconception of the debates within Russian Social-democracy on the nature of the democratic revolution. The fourth essay is, by contrast, both original and perceptive in its discussion of the relation between ends and means in rival socialist schools of thought as well as in its discussion of the violence that must be done to Luxemburg's structure of ideas in the attempt to abstract her ideas of freedom and appropriate them to the liberal tradition. BOOKS author as beiig due to the exigencies of the political situation rather than to any diminution of belief in them by Gramsci himself. The diaculty here is that Gramsci had ten years to reflect on the councils, and references to them in the Prison Notebook are rare and not often relevant.
Gnunsci is also Seen as making real advances on Marx's political theorizing, which contains no systematic analysis of the range of state forms compatible with a capitalist mode of production, or of the origins and nature of Mering kinds of social(ist) consciousness, and, indeed, no social psychology. All this is true: but while Gramsci's achievement was considerable, especially in asking the right questions, it cannot be said that his theorizing solves quite as many questions as the author claims. There are two weaknesses in the book: despite the centrality of councils, according to Bow, there is in fact little analysis of the Turin Movement; and there is no attempt to match Gramsci's analyses of Italian history and politics with the realities of the situation. But the book remains a useful and worthwhileintroduction. an identification of science with ideology, and a confiation of two problems: the scientificity of Marxism, and the unity of Marxist theory with working-class practice. Althusser's own contribution is seen to focus on the problem of scientificity. Callincos rates Althusser's critique of 'empricism', his abandonment of the very notion of epistemology, and his development of the concepts of conjunctive and over-determination as his most important contributions to Marxism. On the other hand, Althusser is berated for his failure to provide any solution to the problem of the unity of theory and practice, his own characterization of theory as 'theoretical practice' being rightly dismissed as a derisory solution. Althusser's failure here is attributed to the awkward consequences: the necessity to reject the reformism of the western communist parties and the state capitalist bureaucratism of the eastern communist parties. One could wish that the author had carried his negative criticism somewhat further. In particular, the concept of overdetermination is celebrated as a great theoretical advance with little effort to meet the very substantial criticisms which can be levelled at it. Thus, Callinocos sees nothing wrong in such claims as 'the determination of the economy consists precisely in assigning to a particular instance the role of dominant instance' (p. 41). His acceptance of the view that 'To understand Cupitul . . . it is necessary to take up "proletarian class positions"' (quoted p. 85) gets him (and Althusser) dangerously close to the kind of position both of them set out to reject (The logic: one can only understand Christianity after becoming a Christian).
But the book remains a useful and incisive introduction to an influential contemporary Marxist.

Robert G . Wesson, Why Marxism?: the continuing success of a failed theory. Temple
Professor Wesson's book will no doubt whet the appetite of many who have felt the need for a generalized account of the way in which Marxism has evolved over time and adapted itself to very differing environments. He promises to chronicle 'the stages by which Marxism found growing importance and acceptance'. The promise is not only unfulfilled, it is not even seriously attempted.
Professor Wesson finds the work of the Young Marx devoid of insight into social life and concludes (curiously citing Althusser as his sufficient authority), that the theme of alienation does not fit the political essence of Marxism. The thought of the mature Marx he finds no more rewarding being rent with contradiction, full of stereotypes, slithery words, sloppy thinking and selfdeception (p. 219). Professor Weson concludes that 'the theory is tedious, abstract and Smith, 1976, vi + 281 pp., €7.50.

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supported by hypothetical not factual examples'@. 24). It is best understood as a New Christianity with Marx its jealous prophet and class consciousness the equivalent of spiritual grace. It is 'more to be felt than understood' (p. 28).
According to Wesson's historical perspective Marxism (if sense can be made of it at all) is appropriate to industrializing societies. It almost died a natural death by the time of the first world war but was raised to unwarranted international significance by the Russian Revolution which transmogrified Marxism from an obscure semi-radical philosophy into an idea backed by power. 'Any theory backed by great power, has ips0 facto validity' @. 178), and everything written about Marxism since that time has been 'informed by the immanent reality of the Soviet Union, its claims, its victories, its shortcomings' @. 89). Professor Wesson is, however, a poor exponent of the good case which might be made for his thesis. He cannot tell a credible tale because he is unwilling to attribute anything but the basest motives and most self-contradictory theories to his opponents. He has written a polemical tract for the times which is hardly 00 be considered a contribution to the academic discussion of the themes he treats.
This short monograph develops certain ideas about the origins of capitalism that Jean Baechler first presented in the Archives Europkennes de Sociologie in 1968. The author begins with a critical review of three different accounts offered by Marx and argues that these are essentially circular in nature because they are premised on a linear, economically determinist philosophy of history and systematically treat capitalism as the necessary context of its own genesis. Baechler also comments briefly on Weber and prefers his multifactorial, non-tautological, typological approach. But he rejects the latter's definition of capitalism in terms of marketoriented profit-seeking as well as Marx's emphasis on the relationship between capital and wage-labour. Instead Baechler sees capitalism in terms of the maximum attainment of rationality in the organization of labour. Then, having rejected technological and psychological explanations, he argues that the origins of capitalism can only be understood through those institutional factors unique to the West that encouraged pre-existing entrepreneurial personalities to develop the full productive potential of the economic system. Since Baechler also rejects any attempt to explain fundamental changes in the economy through economic factors, he focuses on political institutions. In particular he stresses the autonomization of the economy in relation to the state and the downgrading of military, political, and religious activities comp&ed with the field of economic endeavour. Comparative historical analysis is employed to support the claim that these institutional factors were realized only in the West (and Japan) but Baechler also argues that capitalism has been on the cards since the palaeolithic age. As befits a work critical of the Marxist approach, Baechler thus combines vulgar political economy and sociology to produce an argument that demonstrates that the only limits to capitalist development are external to capital.
This book presents an excellent translation of four essays written between 1973 and 1974 by Louis Althusser, the controversial French Communist philosopher, in response to criticism and demands for clarification. It includes two major pieces prompted by the attacks of John Lewis in Marxism Today in 1972: these are 'Reply to John Lewis' and the 'Elements of Self-criticism'. In the first of these Althusser defends his view that philosophy is, in the last instance, class struggle in the field of theory and illustrates this thesis with a counter-critique of Lewis' own humanist position and its effects in science and politics. In the second essay he gives an account 316 BOOKS from his own theoretical position of the errors committed in his earlier work-especially the flirtation with structuralism and the influence of Spinoza. These two essays are followed by an interesting defense of that work, submitted for the degree of Doctorat d'fitat, in which Althusser sets the early writings into their personal and political context. The book concludes with a brief commentary on the political line of the 'Union of the French People' adopted in 1974 by the PCF. The major theme running through all these essays is a defence of theoretical antihumanism against the ideological couple of humanism-economism characteristic of bourgeois thought and continually reproduced within the labour movement as well as bourgeois circles.
In addition to these essays there is an important introduction by the translator, Grahame Lock, which not only sets the political and intellectual background to the self-criticism but also develops its implications for understanding the Stalinist period in Russia. The whole work is thus of major significance in the development of a non-humanist Marxist philosophy and history.

R. JESSOP
Barbara Salert, Revolutions and Revolutionaries. Elsevier, 1976, ix + 161 pp., 45.00 Dfl., The author compares four theories of revolutionary change, in an odd sequence: the theories of Olsen, Gurr, Johnson and Marx. The object of the book is to provide a critical summary of the ideas of these authors, and to thereby suggest the elements that should be incorporated into a comprehensive account of the origins and development of revolutionary movements. The book is prefaced by a general discussion of the nature of 'theory construction' in social science. The position adopted is an orthodox, and in my opinion, rather naive version of what a scientific theory is. The author holds, unobjectionably, that a theory of revolution 'should stipulate which factors are relevant to revolutions'; it should explain 'why or how these factors are relevant'; and it 'should be testable and confirmed by the available evidence'. Professor Salert is more critical of Gurr and Johnson than of the other two authors. Gurr's work is too psychological, and is poor psychology at that; Johnson leans too heavily upon systems analysis, which stands some distance from the real factors involved in processes of revolutionary change. So far as Marx is concerned, the author reaches the illuminating conclusion that, 'Although class conflict is undoubtedly an important factor in many revolutions, it has probably not played a major role in all events commonly designated as revolutions'. $17.50.

Owen Chadwick, The Secularization of the European Mind in the Niileteenth Century.
This subtle and distinguished book, based upon the Gifford Lectures of 1973-4, represents a major contribution to the history of ideas. Chadwick seeks to rescue the notion of 'secularization' from the emotive overtones given to it, both by those who welcomed the attack upon religion, and by those who idealized the role of religion in the pre-secular world.
Chadwick distinguishes 'secularization' from 'Enlightenment' in terms of the levels of religious belief and the numbers it affects. Enlightenment refers to the awakening of the few at a conscious and articulate level of belief; the less articulate religious attitudes of the many, therefore, need to be studied as a social phenomenon; and, in fact, Chadwick sees the causes of secularization as social and economic, as well as being intellectual and moral. To this extent, the title of his book is a misnomer, since he deals with 'society' as well as with 'mind'. There is however a fine chapter discussing Marx's view of religion, and a provocative account of J. S.
Mill as an expositor of 'a theory of the secular state'. Chadwick writes with great learning and authority, and his book must be regarded as essential reading for anyone interested in the history of ideas in the nineteenth century.

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Daniel Bell, The Cultural Confradictions of Capitalism. Heinemann, 1976, xiv + 301 pp., Daniel Bell is one of the few contemporary thinkers who is able to embrace in one global, but scientific, analysis those present and future trends of political economy which really matter. In his new book he attempts to do more. He proposes to study the growing discrepancy between the modem economy, irretrievably engaged in the pursuit of growth and technological advance, and the modem society, which under these and other stresses, has entered the present crisis, perceptively described by Bell as the 'loss of the ciuitas'. His profound interpretation of Goethe's three Fausts is most apposite in this context. The reason why this book is less impressive than his, by now, classic T?ne Coming of the Post-Zndustrial Society lies in the sketchiness of the 'cultural' side of the argument. It is particularly unsuccessful to link specihlly the antibourgeois revolt of the artists and intellectuals with the 196Os-a revolt which had started in Europe at least a century ago. There is no word in this survey of the trial of Flaubert or even of the Dreyfus Affair! By frequently shifting the ground between the 19th and 20th centuries in Europe and the American psychedelic decades, the main theme of the book loses its continuity. What brings it together again is Bell's frequent reminders that among the causes of contemporary plebeian hedonism are the abandonment of religion by society at large and the propagation by commercial pornographers and by the media of a degraded romanticism.
When it comes to the political analysis of the crisis of American society, Bell recovers his usual precision. He applies most relevantly to that analysis the 'seven factors which in varying combinations have resulted in the social instability of the (Western) society and the consequent loss of legitimacy for the political system' namely: the existence of the unemployment problem, the parliamentary impasse, the growth of private violence, the disjunction of sectors, multiracial or multi-tribal conflicts, the alienation of the intelligentsia and, last but not least, humiliation in war. He concludes his analysis by rightly asserting that the central dilemma of all industrial and industrializing societies is 'how to balance the calculation of capital accumulation (and the restriction of consumption) against the social needs and demands of the population'. His concept of the 'public household' is attractive and so is his contention, based on an important, but only recently translated, article of 1918 by Schumpeter that 'fiscal sociology' might be the key to that dilemma. But, in the light of his belief that, therefore, the role of the state cannot but increase, his ideal-type of modem liberation is hardly to be distinguished from contemporary German or Swedish socialism. Moreover, his remark that 'at what point one would call this "state-capitalism" or a "corporate economy" may be more a matter of semantics than of reality' throws us back upon our general perplexities. This book contains a dozen essays by separate hands, each outlining the political philosophy of a single thinker. The thinkers discussed are Marcuse, Hayek. Strauss, Voegelin, Oakeshott, Popper, de Jouvenel, Aron, Sartre, Arendt, Macpherson and Rawls. The contributors largely confine themselves to expounding the central themes of their subject's work, with criticism being brief and muted. The essays vary in degrees of lucidity and insight, top marks going to Minogue on Oakeshott and Cranston on Sartre, but none is less than competent.

A. de
The overall impact of the book is nevertheless somewhat disquieting. Because of the separate authorship of the essays, it is impossible to detect any continuity, either of method or of subject matter, between the various philosophers considered. Each appears to inhabit a private political and philosophical universe. And although the Editors' introduction contains a brief account of what it is to be a political philosopher, several of the book's subjects have (on the basis of that account) fairly tenuous claims to the status. Some, like Strauss, are primarily historians of political thought; others, like Aron, are sophisticated political scientists. Altogether it seem